Occasionally, something not
directly related to the topic of the book I’m reading grabs my attention. It happened the other day while reading Exorbitant Privilege: The Rise and Fall of
the Dollar and the Future of the International Monetary System (2011, p. 10),
by Barry Eichengreen.
The topic was money, or, more
accurately, currency.
There was no standard US currency, no US Dollar, until the 19th century. Before then, colonists bartered and used Spanish gold dollars or certain commodities as legal tender.
There was no standard US currency, no US Dollar, until the 19th century. Before then, colonists bartered and used Spanish gold dollars or certain commodities as legal tender.
A case in point is Virginia,
which for a short while adopted tobacco as its legal tender. What ensued was typical enough of fallen human
nature, economic incentives and the person’s relationship to government to make
me shake my head.
What would you expect to
happen when a dominant crop, tobacco in this instance, is declared to be money?
That’s right: Virginia’s
farmers planted more of it.
You can imagine their
individual thought processes. “If I
plant more of it, I’ll have more money.
I’ll be able to buy more things and live better. I’ll be rich!” Suspecting that neighbors might do the
same thing, perhaps they even thought, “We’ll all be rich!”
Which grade of tobacco would
you expect planters to grow, given no distinction between higher and lower
grades of tobacco in the currency markets?
You’d be right if you guessed the cheapest, easiest one to cultivate, namely
the lowest grade.
The problem was that farmers,
thinking and reacting alike, produced more, inferior tobacco in order to
reap the rewards of the system’s incentives (n.b., loopholes are incentives).
What do you suppose happened
next?
That’s right, inflation! The supply of money increased, but the supply
of goods to buy with it didn’t. When too
much money chases too few goods, the price of those goods rises. The purchasing power of a given unit of
currency—a bushel of tobacco in this case—goes down. (Not to mention, the joy of settling down
with a pipe goes up in smoke!)
A meme I recently saw
captured this dynamic simply and succinctly.
Imagine a hypothetical economy of $100 in which a happy meal at
McDonald’s costs $1. If the currency is
revalued to $150, the cost of the happy meal at the same level of production
will correspondingly rise to $1.50. The
extra $50 of value in the economy is illusory; it will be eaten up (so to
speak) by higher prices.
Since tobacco didn’t buy as many goods as before, and the quality of the leaf deteriorated, the value of every farmers’ crops declined. Farmers complained. This wasn’t what they’d bargained for! Each had expected to reap a windfall. Instead each wound up chasing the wind.
Can you imagine what they did
next? You’d be right if you said they
ran to the government to fix the problem, the General Assembly of Burgesses,
the representatives of Virginia’s agricultural districts.
That’s what people do, at
least those with clout and access, when they want redress, or to ensure
monopoly privileges or special treatment.
What better way than to have a law passed, even better if the campaign
can be framed in the name of fairness or some high-sounding cause, e.g., The
Purchasing Power Protection Act?
In this particular case, the
Assembly considered various measures to restrict the cultivation of tobacco. You can imagine the proposals. Farmer Jones likely suggested restricting
increased output to farmers on Main Street, which he happened to live on. Farmer Smith likely suggested that only
farmers employing a certain type of labor, the type he happened to utilize,
should be allowed to grow more tobacco.
Probably few, if any, of them
arrived with a plan to restrict everyone’s output. If someone had proposed setting aside an
exception to production limits for the most needy, each farmer would have thrown
on sackcloth and ashes and brandished a tin cup.
The legislators were
themselves agricultural men with their own interests to consider and pursue. The problems proved to be intractable, the
individual interests too widely dispersed.
In the end, no one proposal or block of proponents commanded a majority;
the Assemblymen could not agree. No
decision was reached, no legislation passed.
It’s worth considering that
enlightened farmers might conclude that the solution, like the problem, lay
within their own hands. Voluntarily restricting
and maintaining a steady supply of tobacco, of money, would better serve each farmer’s
overall interests than myopically pursuing his first impulse to plant more
crops.
Naturally—given
fallen nature, that is—each would
prefer for everyone but himself to
maintain steady production. That would give him a private printing press. Why would others agree to that, though?
Assemblymen, rather than
attempting to make and impose a rule, might have brought farmers together and advised,
even exhorted, them to work together.
They might have counseled that shortsighted selfishness and greed
underlay their problems, and reminded them that pigs get slaughtered.
Unchecked passions being what
they are, some farmers likely offered emoluments (e.g., bribes, votes, campaign
contributions, election muscle, public support) to shape favorable legislation. In a world of lawmakers motivated only to
serve the common good, that wouldn’t work.
In a world of fallen men (and women)—that is, our world—it too often, not to say always, does.
Expanding and further
empowering government to impose solutions, or kicking the dispute up to higher levels further away from the protagonists, exacerbates rather than remedies the
problem. At the end of the day, this
course only raises the cost of emoluments.
In this historical instance,
no one interest was able to impose its will on others in the name of law, i.e.,
to meet the price. What would you expect
to happen next?
You’ll be disappointed if you
thought that reasonable men peaceably worked out their problems amongst
themselves, or that government shepherded them to a satisfactory resolution.
Farmers rampaged through
their neighbors’ fields and destroyed
their tobacco plants. The text prefaces this by saying that they
“took matters into their own hands.”
That is, they did what each tried, but failed, to have government do:
suppress competition.
Things went from bad to worse,
and the government was forced to muster the militia in order to restore order. That must have been helpful given that
rampaging farmers undoubtedly formed part of its corps.
Now that force was deployed, you’d
expect the farmers to cease and desist, right?
That’s not what happened. Rather,
they took to wreaking havoc under cover of darkness.
That left the government with
little choice but to crack down with police for months on end, until the
lawlessness was quelled. If people can’t
control themselves, external forces have to control them.
Ultimately, the minting of the U.S. Dollar solved
this type of problem while creating others.
People are still people.
We are fallen creatures. Our defaults are set to goodness, but our
software perpetually malfunctions. It can
be more or less debugged, or patched. That
is, each person can troubleshoot his or her own software. But, the general condition won’t be
permanently fixed anytime in this life.
What’s a society to do in
circumstances like these? How is it to address
the fact that each and every one of its citizens, social animals to the last,
is fallen?
I don’t puzzle over it much
because the Founders of my country were practically minded geniuses. They devised a political system for fallen
men. It diffused power and kept the
government modest, lean and divided. It separated
powers among its federal branches, and reserved powers not specifically
enumerated in the Constitution to the various states comprising the union.
They understood that what happened in Virginia happens everywhere that fallen men form community. It happens in political society at every level of government, from that nearest the people to the furthest heights of Mount Olympus.
They didn’t seek to make men perfect. That Sisyphean task belongs to families, churches and the other intermediate institutions of civil society. They sought, rather, to achieve essential, political objectives while limiting the amount of damage that fallen men could inflict upon one another through political power. They did so by limiting the scope, ambitions and dominion of government.
The system they devised
embodied the spirit of the people who adopted it, and shaped the culture and
destiny of the nation it constituted. It
is the air we breathe. It runs through
our veins.
Even more comforting, my
Church was founded by Jesus Christ, the second person of the Blessed Trinity. It divinely teaches that society is bound by
solidarity (all for one) administered through subsidiarity, as locally as
possible (one for all).
Even local politics go bad as
this vignette illustrates. Every system
is flawed. People are people, inside of
government and out. We are all fallen.
Religion, strong families and good will help keep us honest. So does limited, local government.
If nothing else, it makes it
possible for people to attend the town hall meeting and make their voices
heard. It obviates the need for a lobbyist class to speak for them. It makes the workings of government more
transparent and responsive to the people that politics ostensibly serves.
At the very least, it keeps down the cost of emoluments.
At the very least, it keeps down the cost of emoluments.
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